As Jonathan Chait suggests, Senate Democrats were basically frustrated with democratic processes, and wanted to give the(ir) executive a stronger hand. (Friedrich Hayek had something to say about that urge.) Indeed, the rule change will make it easier for President Obama to appoint functionaries in the executive branch who will help him implement his agenda via regulation, and appoint district-court and appellate-level federal judges who will then vote to uphold that agenda against the inevitable legal challenges. C’mon, the president can hardly be expected to work with Congress, right?
National Journal‘s Sam Baker goes too far, though, when he writes, “The Senate’s decision to go ‘nuclear’ breathes new life into a dormant but extremely controversial part of Obamacare” known as the Independent Payment Advisory Board, or IPAB.
What’s IPAB? As Diane Cohen and I wrote in a groundbreaking — yes, groundbreaking — study on IPAB for the Cato Institute last year titled, “ The Independent Payment Advisory Board: PPACA’s Anti-Constitutional and Authoritarian Super-Legislature“:
When the unelected government officials on this board submit a legislative proposal to Congress, it automatically becomes law: PPACA requires the Secretary of Health and Human Services to implement it. Blocking an IPAB “proposal” requires at a minimum that the House and the Senate and the president agree on a substitute. The Board’s edicts therefore can become law without congressional action, congressional approval, meaningful congressional oversight, or being subject to a presidential veto. Citizens will have no power to challenge IPAB’s edicts in court…
IPAB’s unelected members will have effectively unfettered power to impose taxes and ration care for all Americans, whether the government pays their medical bills or not…IPAB truly is independent, but in the worst sense of the word. It wields power independent of Congress, independent of the president, independent of the judiciary, and independent of the will of the people.
IPAB is actually a good bit worse than this excerpt describes. Seriously, read the whole study.
Baker writes:
The Senate’s rules change will likely make it much easier for President Obama to fill the Independent Payment Advisory Board, or IPAB—a 15-member panel…
The IPAB is technically supposed to submit its first proposed cuts in January, but Obama hasn’t even nominated anyone to the board yet. Nominees have to be confirmed by the Senate, which until today required 60 votes—and Republicans were highly unlikely to help confirm anyone to the board.
But now that the Senate has moved to a 51-vote threshold for executive appointments, Obama will likely be able to fill the board and move ahead with one of the most significant cost-control measures in his signature health care law—if he wants to.
All of which is true. The nuclear option enables the president to fill this 15-member panel. But it has absolutely zero effect on the president’s ability to use IPAB. That’s because the PPACA provides that if the president fails to nominate anyone to sit on this panel, or if the Senate fails to confirm anyone, then all of IPAB’s powers fall into the hands of…Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius. Obama doesn’t need to nominate anyone to IPAB. He can exercise more control over that super-legislature, with less political risk, by not nominating anyone and letting Sebelius act as a super-legislature unto herself.
This is also why Obama did not fire Sebelius when she violated a federal law prohibiting political activities by executive-branch officials, and why he will not fire her for her incompetent management of ObamaCare’s rollout. Another National Journal reporter, Matthew Cooper, claims the reason is the schmaltzy relationship between the two politicians:
Throw in a mutual affection that’s just strong enough to keep them bound together, mix in their shared love of basketball, and it’s a formula for survival. “She has reminded the president that she made the varsity team in college,” jokes Sebelius’s brother Donald Gilligan.
A passion for hoops is just one mystic chord between the two lanky pols.
All of which may be true. But it is definitely true that if the president fired Sebelius, her replacement would face the most brutal confirmation fight ever for a federal health official. That’s because it would be the first time the U.S. Senate would ever have to confirm someone who would wield IPAB’s considerable powers. (When Sebelius was confirmed, IPAB didn’t exist.) True, her replacement would only need 51 votes instead of 60. But even if that nominee got 51 votes, the confirmation process would be ugly. The sort of ugliness that Senate Democrats sought to avoid by never holding a hearing on Obama’s nomination of Donald Berwick to run Medicare. Only worse. If the nomination failed, Obama could find himself without an HHS secretary and without IPAB’s considerable powers. The president could always recess-appoint a replacement for Sebelius, as he recess-appointed Berwick. But that option also brings perils, and the Supreme Court may soon tell the president his recess-appointment powers are not as plenary as he seems to think.
So long as he retains Kathleen Sebelius as his HHS secretary, the president has all he needs to wield IPAB’s vast powers.
html Michael F. Cannon Contributor
The author is a Forbes contributor. The opinions expressed are those of the writer.
Michael F. Cannon
http://www.forbes.com/sites/michaelcannon/2013/11/22/nuclear-option-does-not-make-it-easier-for-obama-to-use-ipab/
_________________
National Journal‘s Sam Baker goes too far, though, when he writes, “The Senate’s decision to go ‘nuclear’ breathes new life into a dormant but extremely controversial part of Obamacare” known as the Independent Payment Advisory Board, or IPAB.
What’s IPAB? As Diane Cohen and I wrote in a groundbreaking — yes, groundbreaking — study on IPAB for the Cato Institute last year titled, “ The Independent Payment Advisory Board: PPACA’s Anti-Constitutional and Authoritarian Super-Legislature“:
When the unelected government officials on this board submit a legislative proposal to Congress, it automatically becomes law: PPACA requires the Secretary of Health and Human Services to implement it. Blocking an IPAB “proposal” requires at a minimum that the House and the Senate and the president agree on a substitute. The Board’s edicts therefore can become law without congressional action, congressional approval, meaningful congressional oversight, or being subject to a presidential veto. Citizens will have no power to challenge IPAB’s edicts in court…
IPAB’s unelected members will have effectively unfettered power to impose taxes and ration care for all Americans, whether the government pays their medical bills or not…IPAB truly is independent, but in the worst sense of the word. It wields power independent of Congress, independent of the president, independent of the judiciary, and independent of the will of the people.
IPAB is actually a good bit worse than this excerpt describes. Seriously, read the whole study.
Baker writes:
The Senate’s rules change will likely make it much easier for President Obama to fill the Independent Payment Advisory Board, or IPAB—a 15-member panel…
The IPAB is technically supposed to submit its first proposed cuts in January, but Obama hasn’t even nominated anyone to the board yet. Nominees have to be confirmed by the Senate, which until today required 60 votes—and Republicans were highly unlikely to help confirm anyone to the board.
But now that the Senate has moved to a 51-vote threshold for executive appointments, Obama will likely be able to fill the board and move ahead with one of the most significant cost-control measures in his signature health care law—if he wants to.
All of which is true. The nuclear option enables the president to fill this 15-member panel. But it has absolutely zero effect on the president’s ability to use IPAB. That’s because the PPACA provides that if the president fails to nominate anyone to sit on this panel, or if the Senate fails to confirm anyone, then all of IPAB’s powers fall into the hands of…Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius. Obama doesn’t need to nominate anyone to IPAB. He can exercise more control over that super-legislature, with less political risk, by not nominating anyone and letting Sebelius act as a super-legislature unto herself.
This is also why Obama did not fire Sebelius when she violated a federal law prohibiting political activities by executive-branch officials, and why he will not fire her for her incompetent management of ObamaCare’s rollout. Another National Journal reporter, Matthew Cooper, claims the reason is the schmaltzy relationship between the two politicians:
Throw in a mutual affection that’s just strong enough to keep them bound together, mix in their shared love of basketball, and it’s a formula for survival. “She has reminded the president that she made the varsity team in college,” jokes Sebelius’s brother Donald Gilligan.
A passion for hoops is just one mystic chord between the two lanky pols.
All of which may be true. But it is definitely true that if the president fired Sebelius, her replacement would face the most brutal confirmation fight ever for a federal health official. That’s because it would be the first time the U.S. Senate would ever have to confirm someone who would wield IPAB’s considerable powers. (When Sebelius was confirmed, IPAB didn’t exist.) True, her replacement would only need 51 votes instead of 60. But even if that nominee got 51 votes, the confirmation process would be ugly. The sort of ugliness that Senate Democrats sought to avoid by never holding a hearing on Obama’s nomination of Donald Berwick to run Medicare. Only worse. If the nomination failed, Obama could find himself without an HHS secretary and without IPAB’s considerable powers. The president could always recess-appoint a replacement for Sebelius, as he recess-appointed Berwick. But that option also brings perils, and the Supreme Court may soon tell the president his recess-appointment powers are not as plenary as he seems to think.
So long as he retains Kathleen Sebelius as his HHS secretary, the president has all he needs to wield IPAB’s vast powers.
html Michael F. Cannon Contributor
The author is a Forbes contributor. The opinions expressed are those of the writer.
Michael F. Cannon
http://www.forbes.com/sites/michaelcannon/2013/11/22/nuclear-option-does-not-make-it-easier-for-obama-to-use-ipab/
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Last edited by stormwatch89 on 11/23/2013, 12:29 pm; edited 1 time in total